The Opposition’s Assistance to Fugitive Thieves in Canada

Canada, which has always presented an image of a law-abiding nation and advocate of justice in the international arena, has in recent years encountered a worrying phenomenon that challenges this image [10–13,16]. A network of radical and extremist political activists in this country, abusing the political open space and the complexities of the judicial system, systematically provides shelter and protection to individuals who have been accused in their country of origin of serious financial charges such as embezzlement, grand corruption and widespread economic violations [1–4].

This report is a continuation of a report published on September 10.

The subject of this part is an examination of the mechanisms that have allowed some Iranian financial defendants to activate their dubious assets within the framework of the country’s laws and build economic, media and political networks from them. These tactics include the following:

• Creating Media and Political Coverage:

Individuals such as Mahmoud Reza Khavari and Marjan Sheikholeslami entered Canada despite serious charges of corruption and embezzlement in Iran [1–4, 7–9, 22–23]. Khavari, former president of Bank Melli Iran, fled to Canada in 2011 after a $2.6 billion bank fraud was revealed; he was subsequently sentenced to 30 years in prison in absentia, and Interpol issued an arrest warrant for him in 2017 [1–3, 22].

Marjan Sheikholeslami, for her part, is accused in two major cases of embezzling public funds and setting up companies in Iran and Turkey to circumvent international sanctions and sell petrochemical products without returning the funds to the Iranian state [7–9, 23].

These individuals did not arrive as political refugees, but through legal residency channels. They understood that it was not a matter of respecting the law, but of hiding behind it, exploiting judicial loopholes, slow procedures, and residents’ extensive rights to transform their status from accused to victims in need of protection.

In cities like Vancouver, Montreal, and Toronto, media figures such as Mira Nassiri, Kamran Malekpour, and Shahram Yazdanpanah have contributed to forging this inverted image [17–21]. In their programs, publications, and debates, particularly on social media, these accused are presented as “freedom fighters” or “victims of the Iranian government,” with no mention of the origin of the transferred funds or the lack of a trial in Canada. The voices of the complainants are thus stifled. This discourse is clearly intended to generate public sympathy and divert attention from the legal proceedings.

• Abusing Lengthy Judicial Processes:

The Canadian judicial system is renowned for its meticulous and often lengthy procedures [16]. Networks of immigration lawyers and media figures have exploited this slowness to multiply appeals and delay extradition proceedings or the review of charges for years.

Thus, time becomes a refuge and the lawyer a shield, while capital continues to circulate, real estate changes hands, and traces of corruption are erased in the legal maze.

• Economic Activities and Transfer of Suspicious Funds:

Money of obscure origins is infiltrating the Canadian economy through construction companies, investment funds, and family businesses [10–15]. There are reports of real estate advisors and financial intermediaries collaborating with these individuals, who, in exchange for unusual commissions, surreptitiously legitimize suspect capital.

The Cullen Report in British Columbia (2022) revealed that billions of dollars had been laundered through the real estate market, using similar mechanisms [10–12,15]. In this context, some members of the anti-Iranian lobby present these individuals as “rights defenders,” thus effecting a veritable role reversal.

• Character Assassination and Creating an Atmosphere of Fear:

To silence critical voices, these networks employ a strategy of character assassination: any person or institution that dares to question their activities is accused of being an “agent of the Islamic Republic” or a “supporter of the dictatorship” [17–21].

Figures such as Kamran Malekpour and Mira Nassiri in Vancouver, or Shahram Yazdanpanah in Montreal, are often cited in community exchanges and Persian-language media as being at the forefront of these repeated attacks [17–21].

Some of these individuals are themselves the subject of complaints in Iran and Canada, although no definitive convictions have been issued against them in Canada.

• Infiltrating Civil and Political Institutions:

These networks also seek to influence immigration and security policies by establishing ties with local politicians, Canadian media outlets, and anti-Iranian groups [10–15, 17–21]. They use their media visibility to present themselves as legitimate representatives of the Iranian diaspora and shape public debate to their advantage.

Some unofficial reports from the Iranian-Canadian community and on social media cite the activities of individuals such as Kaveh Shahrouz, Nazanin Afshin Jam, Ramin Zhubin, and Sadegh Bigdali, who also claim to be regime-changers, to build relationships with local officials and Canadian media outlets as examples of these efforts to influence and change policies against the Iranian-Canadian community from within. However, these allegations have not yet been proven in any court of law.

All these processes have led to the formation of a complex network involving capital, media, and political influence, exploiting the flaws in the Canadian legal system to create an opaque ecosystem within a free country.

This is not about calling into question the law or freedom, but rather about denouncing the lack of ethics, the inaction of regulatory institutions, and the silence of a portion of the Iranian Canadian community, which have allowed the emergence of silent corruption.

The central question remains: who benefits from this situation? And why does the Iranian Canadian community remain so silent in the face of this reversal of values?

 Disclaimer:

This article is based on public data and questions raised in the community. Hodhod Canada is committed to maintaining impartiality. Individuals named in this article may submit responses or clarifications via email to editor@hodhod.ca. Hodhod is committed to publishing responses received.

References:

1. Radio Farda / RFE-RL. Former Bank Melli Chief to Be Tried in Absentia…, 9 oct. 2017.
2. Financial Post. An Iranian fugitive, Toronto property mogul and a deal gone awry, 17 June 2016.
3. Bloomberg. The Condo Feud That Erupted Between an Iranian Fugitive and a Toronto Mogul, 17 June 2016.
4. IranWire. Iranians Accused of Embezzlement Seek Shelter in Canada, 29 April 2022.
5. Sénat du Canada, comité AEFA. Compte rendu, 2012.
6. Chambre des communes, SDIR. Témoignages, 2012.
7. Radio Farda. Suspect in Alleged Money Laundering/Sanction-Busting Case Rejects All Charges, 17 mars 2019.
8. IranWire. Iran’s Great Petrochemical Corruption Scandal, série, 7 fév. 2022.
9. Middle East Eye. Landmark corruption case…, 14 March 2019.
10. Commission Cullen (C.-B.). Rapport final, 3 June 2022.
11. Gouvernement de la C.-B. Communiqué, 3 June 2022.
12. Gouvernement du Canada. Communiqué, 17 juin 2022.
13. FINTRAC/CANAFE. Rapport annuel 2023-2024.
14. FINTRAC/CANAFE. Obligations du secteur immobilier (2023–2024).
15. Osler. Cullen Commission releases final report…, 23 June 2022.
16. CBC News. Concerns that B.C. court delays are creating “injustice system”, 8 oct. 2024.
17. Medad.ca (FA). Page auteur « Shahram Yazdanpanah » + article du 2 sept. 2025.
18. Hafteh.ca (FA). Article sur une mise en demeure visant Medad / Yazdanpanah, 8 janv. 2025.
19. Comptes publics Mira Nassiri (Instagram/X).
20. Hafteh.ca (FA). Article sur Mira Nassiri.
21. Kamran Malekpour. Site, podcasts et chaîne YouTube.
22. Iran urges Canada to separate politics from financial crimes in Khavari extradition case, Mahmoud Reza Khavari (Tehran Times, October 15, 2024).
23. Iranian charged in $6 billion case with disrupting Iran’s economy by moving money for sanctions avoidance, immigrated to Canada, Marjan Sheikholeslami ( Christine Duhaime | April 13th, 2019).

By: Nima Soroush Nia